The School on the Hill (A West Java Story)


 

“There should be no inserted or sponsored students in these premier schools—from anyone, under any pretext, or for any purpose whatsoever.”

West Java Governor Dedi Mulyadi said this firmly, the way a man says something he suspects he will have to repeat, louder, in front of people who will pretend not to hear him. His voice had the particular flatness of a man who has dealt with cheaters before, who knows precisely how they smile, how they shake your hand, how they look you directly in the eye while their other hand is reaching for something that isn’t theirs.

He was talking about Sekolah Maung—the Superior Human School, they called it, which is the kind of name that should give you pause if you’re the sort of person who pays attention to names. Superior human. Think about that for a moment. Think about what it implies about everyone else.

Registration had opened late last May. The phone lines lit up like a Christmas tree that had been doused in gasoline.

Any school principals or selection committee members caught cheating, Mulyadi added, would be immediately removed and terminated. This was meant to reassure people. It did not entirely reassure people. It never does. Because here’s the thing about cheating, the thing they don’t put in the brochures: it doesn’t announce itself. It doesn’t knock. It slides under the door in the dark, and by the time you smell it, it’s already made itself comfortable in the kitchen, helping itself to whatever it wants from the refrigerator.

---

Sekolah Maung was a populist program, they said. It was designed to overhaul secondary education across the whole of West Java. Forty-one public schools—twenty-eight senior high schools, thirteen vocational—stretching from Bogor to Depok, from Bekasi to Bandung, all the way out to Cirebon. A long arm, reaching. The kind of reach that looks generous from a distance and feels like something else entirely when it’s your arm being grabbed.

Dedi Mulyadi had designed it as an incubator. An incubator for high-potential students. He envisioned their graduates as Manusa Waluya—well-rounded individuals who were physically healthy, intellectually sharp, emotionally stable, socially sensitive, spiritually grounded. Five Sundanese values from the Gapura Pancawaluya: cageur, bageur, bener, pinter, singer. Healthy, kind-hearted, integrity-driven, intelligent, responsive and creative.

It was beautiful, the way a blueprint is beautiful—clean lines, no blood on it yet.

Through this framework, West Java aimed to produce a golden generation. Golden. That word again. Every generation that gets sorted and selected and fast-tracked gets called golden by somebody. The ones who don’t make the cut—what do you call them? The dross? Nobody puts that in a press release.

---

Unlike regular schools that relied on geographic zoning—the simple democratic idea that you go to the school nearest your house, the school your neighbors’ kids attend, the school that belongs to your neighborhood—Sekolah Maung offered what they called an Academic Potential Pathway.

Here’s what that pathway required: a minimum intelligence score of 130 on the Wechsler scale.

One-thirty.

Verified by tests from licensed psychologists or accredited universities.

They also had to pass an Academic Ability Test that evaluated advanced analytical literacy and numeracy. This highly competitive pathway—the golden door, you might call it—accounted for only ten percent of total enrollment. Ten percent of the seats in the school of superior humans.

The remaining seventy percent were filled through broader academic competition, which sounds more democratic until you remember that “broader academic competition” is still a competition, and competitions have losers, and the losers here were children.

Children who would go home and wonder, in that awful private way kids wonder about things, whether there was something wrong with them. Whether they were, in some fundamental and unfixable way, less than.

---

It reminded people, those who had been paying attention for long enough, of another program. The RSBI—the Rintisan Sekolah Bertaraf Internasional. The International Standard Schools. Say it slow. Let it roll around in your mouth. International Standard. There’s a magic trick in those words, a prestidigitator’s sleight of hand: they sound like they’re lifting something up, but what they’re really doing is drawing a line.

The RSBI, similarly, had prioritized rigorous selection. It had concentrated high-achieving students. It had, in practice, faced heavy criticism for creating unequal access to education.

In practice. That’s where the devil lives, isn’t it? In practice. Theory is clean. Theory is the blueprint with no blood on it. Practice is the thing that happens at three in the morning when nobody’s looking.

On January 8th, 2013—the kind of date people remember the way they remember where they were when something ended—Indonesia’s Constitutional Court struck the whole thing down. Decision No. 5/PUU-X/2012. Article 50, paragraph 3 of Law No. 20 of 2003 on the National Education System was ruled unconstitutional, stripped of its legal force, sent to the administrative equivalent of the graveyard.

Dust to dust. Policy to policy.

---

The lawsuit had come from civil society groups. Regular people, organized, who had a name: the Advocacy Team Against the Commercialization of Education. Lawyers Wahyu Wagiman and Andi Muttaqien led them. Organizations like Indonesia Corruption Watch. Educational figures—Milang Tauhida, Darmaningtyas, Lody F. Paat, Jumono, Febri Hendri—names that will mean nothing to you unless you were there, unless you were fighting, which is exactly how history swallows the people who actually made it.

“This discriminatory policy,” the plaintiffs wrote in their press release, “resulted in the Ministry of National Education pouring massive funding into schools that were already elite from the start, rather than allocating special funds to underdeveloped schools.”

Read that again. Let it sit.

Schools that were already elite from the start. Already elite. Already in possession of the nice things, the modern labs, the qualified teachers, the gleaming floors that caught the morning light. And the ministry—the body tasked with educating the children of the entire country, the poor ones and the rich ones and the ones in between—was shoveling money toward them. Like giving the fattest kid at the party the biggest slice of cake.

Roughly thirteen hundred RSBI schools existed at the time: about two hundred and thirty-nine elementary schools, three hundred and fifty-six junior high schools, more than four hundred senior high and vocational schools. Behind the international label, critics argued, these schools charged exorbitant, non-transparent fees. Tens of millions of rupiah per year. For public schools. Schools that were, by definition, supposed to be subsidized by the state.

The Constitutional Court sided with the plaintiffs. Of course it did. The math was simple enough that even a child—one of those children, sitting in a regular school with the water-stained ceiling tiles and the textbooks from several years ago—could do it.

Justice Hamdan Zoelva, reading the ruling, also took issue with the requirement to use English as the primary medium of instruction. He argued, and the Court agreed, that “international standard” was the kind of phrase that could erode national pride in the Indonesian language and culture. That measuring excellence by English proficiency was misguided. That it ran counter to the true essence of national education.

He was right. But being right doesn’t mean being heard, and being heard doesn’t mean being remembered, and being remembered doesn’t mean a damn thing changes.

---

Here is the thing about systems. Here is the secret that everyone in every country learns eventually, usually too late to do anything about it:

Systems don’t die when you kill them.

They go underground. They change their names. They put on a new coat.

Although the Constitutional Court decision sought to eliminate educational elitism, many regions quietly preserved the advantages of former RSBI schools long after the program was dissolved. Quietly. That word. That small, terrible, utterly ordinary word.

In East Java, the education department explicitly instructed that the quality of ex-RSBI schools be maintained. In Subang, the Education Department head stated cheerfully that the cancellation had no significant operational impact. Schools that had been RSBI continued to meet the eight National Education Standards. They kept their rigorous curricula, their top-tier facilities, their highly qualified teachers.

The sign came down. Everything else stayed.

Because here’s what money does that the courts cannot undo: it sediments. It builds up in layers over decades—better labs, better libraries, better parking lots, better everything—until the advantage isn’t in any one thing you can point to and strike down. It’s in the walls themselves. It’s in the culture of a place, the accumulated expectation that this school produces winners, that these hallways are the hallways of the future. High-achieving students and wealthy families came to them like iron filings to a magnet. You can rename the magnet. You cannot change its field.

---

The sorting of children has deep roots in Indonesia. Roots that go down past the RSBI era, past the reforms and the lawsuits and the rulings, all the way back to the New Order, when students were sorted by their Ebtanas scores—the NEM—into coveted schools or consolation-prize schools, and those scores dictated their futures the way a judge dictates a sentence. This is where you go. This is who you are.

In the 1990s, it became kelas unggulan—excellent class programs. Specially selected students, enriched programs heavy on science and math and English. These tracks spread because they were seen as fostering competitive learning environments. They spread the way rumors spread, the way kudzu spreads: because they could, because nothing stopped them, because there was always another principal willing to put up the sign.

What the tracks also did was create labels. Excellent and regular. And if you’ve ever been a child—and you have been, every one of you reading this has been—you know exactly what it feels like to be handed the wrong label. To see the other kids disappear through the door you cannot open. To wonder what they’re doing in there. To wonder what’s wrong with you.

The feeling doesn’t go away when you grow up. It just goes somewhere quieter.

---

Around the same time as the kelas unggulan spread, a different kind of school appeared, backed by military and state elite circles. SMA Taruna Nusantara in Magelang—conceived by General L.B. Moerdani, opened in 1990 by General Try Sutrisno. Semi-military discipline. Civic education. Religious values. The kind of school that produces a certain type of person: confident, connected, destined.

Its graduates went on to top universities, military academies, police training. Several joined the current Cabinet. These things are not unrelated. They never are.

Meanwhile, B.J. Habibie—the engineer, the dreamer, the man who understood that nations are built by people who know things—established MAN Insan Cendekia through the Agency for the Assessment and Application of Technology. In Serpong and Gorontalo, science and technology and Islamic values, woven together. A different vision of the golden generation. No less exclusive, but differently motivated.

---

In 2017, Education Minister Muhadjir Effendy tried something radical. He tried the obvious thing. The thing that sounds almost too simple: what if kids just went to the school nearest their house?

The geographic zoning system for new student admissions—PPDB, they called it. Distance from home to school, not test scores, not intelligence quotients, not ability tests evaluated by licensed psychologists. Just: how far do you live?

“In the long term,” Muhadjir said, “this will achieve a more even distribution of educational quality.”

He was probably right. Long terms are long. They extend past the careers of the people who implement things, past the patience of middle-class parents, past the attention spans of the news cycle.

The system ran into roadblocks immediately. Unequal infrastructure. Uneven teacher distribution. The persistent, stubborn, maddening stigma of peripheral schools—the ones on the edges of things, the ones with the older equipment and the newer teachers and the students whose parents couldn’t figure out how to game the system.

And families did game it. Of course they did. They are not villains for this; they are parents, and parents will do what parents do. A 2019 Kompas report highlighted that families had begun forging residency documents to secure spots in favored schools. Fake addresses. Phantom households. Entire fictional lives constructed for the purpose of getting a child through a particular set of doors.

Indonesia’s deep-seated culture of academic meritocracy, the report noted, proved too difficult to dismantle.

Too difficult to dismantle. There it is. The thing underneath the thing. Meritocracy sounds fair. Meritocracy sounds like the opposite of privilege. But meritocracy is only as fair as the conditions that precede the merit test—and in a country where the gap between the school with the gleaming floors and the school with the water-stained ceiling tiles can be measured in decades of accumulated advantage, the merit test is not measuring merit.

It’s measuring head start.

---

More recently—October 2025—the Ministry of Higher Education, Science, and Technology introduced Sekolah Garuda. An exclusive educational ecosystem. The name means eagle, and eagles, as anyone will tell you, are apex predators.

“We are designing Sekolah Garuda to produce young fighters,” said Minister Brian Yuliarto. “Young Garudas—whose competitors are no longer fellow Indonesians, but global peers. Whatever Singapore, China, Japan, or America can do, we must be able to match.”

Admission requirements: a minimum score of 85 in core subjects over five consecutive semesters, or a proven track record of national academic achievements. Garuda Scholarships, focused on health, food security, maritime affairs, defense, digitalization, public policy—all the strategic sectors, all the important things, the load-bearing walls of a nation’s future.

To ensure access regardless of financial background, they said.

And they mean it. They probably mean it. The people who design these things almost always mean it, in the beginning, in the blueprint phase, before the practice begins.

---

Here, then, is the paradox. Here is the thing that keeps education ministers up at night, that has kept them up for a century, that will keep them up long after all of us are gone:

You need both. You need Sekolah Rakyat—the free boarding schools for children from families living in extreme poverty, the schools designed to break the intergenerational chain, link by rusted link, so that the child does not inherit the parent’s hunger. You need those.

And you also need the incubators. The accelerators. The schools that take a child with a 130 IQ and a head full of fire and give that fire somewhere to go. A 2019 OECD report acknowledged this plainly: gifted students require targeted support. Without accelerated learning environments, exceptionally gifted children risk losing their potential—becoming stuck in slower, standard classrooms, their abilities slowly banking like a fire without air.

You need both. And the money is finite. And the teachers are finite. And the gleaming floors and the modern labs and the highly qualified staff—all of it, finite.

So you choose. You always choose, even when you tell yourself you’re not choosing. The OECD warns, in the same report, that high school selectivity can drastically increase academic and social segregation. That when budgets and premium facilities and the best teachers are funneled into a handful of premier schools, thousands of regular public schools in suburban and rural areas are left to stagnate.

Left to stagnate. Two words. Two very quiet, very polite, very devastating words.

---

Cecep Darmawan, an education policy analyst from Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, stressed the urgent need for an equity map—a document that would ensure Sekolah Maung branches are evenly distributed, that each location develops its own unique area of specialization, that the incubator doesn’t become a greenhouse for a single species.

Ima Kurrotun Ainin, a lecturer and Secretary of the Disability Innovation Center at UNESA, offered concrete solutions to prevent Sekolah Garuda and Sekolah Rakyat from widening the divide: a structural overhaul of the existing system, Universal Design for Learning principles, upgraded teacher training for inclusive classrooms, redirected investment into existing public school infrastructure, a blended zoning system so that students from different worlds might actually occupy the same hallways.

Good ideas. Important ideas. The kind of ideas that get written into reports that get presented at conferences that get covered by journalists that get read by people who already agreed.

---

The biggest lesson from the dissolution of RSBI is not that Indonesia shouldn’t have elite schools. It never was. Elite schools are not the villain of this story.

The villain—if there is one, if we must name it—is the assumption. The assumption that excellence in one place doesn’t cost anything somewhere else. The assumption that you can build a school of superior humans without that phrase meaning something about everyone on the outside of the walls. The assumption that the door you open for one child has no relationship to the door you quietly, gradually, without malice or forethought, let swing closed on another.

If Sekolah Rakyat aims to lift up the most vulnerable, and if Sekolah Garuda and Sekolah Maung seek to accelerate the country’s brightest—and all of those things can be true simultaneously, all of those things can be good and necessary and carefully designed—then the challenge is this:

Access must be based on merit, not money.

Funding must not discriminate.

Systemic quality improvements must not be the exclusive property of the privileged few.

These are not complicated sentences. They are not difficult to understand. They fit on a bumper sticker. They have been written down before, in other countries, in other languages, in other centuries, by other people who meant them just as sincerely as anyone means them now.

The hard part—the part that grinds on, the part that doesn’t resolve in a single court decision or a single ministerial announcement or a single press release with a hopeful photograph—is making them true.

That’s the work. That’s always the work. Not the vision. Not the blueprint.

The practice.

Comments